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TOKYO — For the first time since the end of the Second World War, Japan has torn up the guardrails that kept its factories from selling lethal weapons abroad, clearing the way for a next-generation fighter jet, long-range missiles, destroyers and combat drones to flow from Japanese assembly lines to foreign militaries. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's Cabinet formally approved the sweeping revision Tuesday, ending more than seven decades of pacifist export doctrine and positioning the world's third-largest economy as a serious player in the global arms trade.

The shift, which Japanese officials had been telegraphing for months, is the most consequential rewrite of Tokyo's defense-industrial rules since the self-imposed Three Principles on Arms Exports of 1967. Under the new guideline, Japanese firms will be permitted to export equipment previously barred from sale — including the sixth-generation fighter being co-developed with the United Kingdom and Italy under the Global Combat Air Programme, or GCAP.

From Flak Jackets To Fighter Jets

Until Tuesday, Japan's export activity had been confined to a narrow strip of permissible categories — rescue, transport, alert, surveillance and minesweeping — alongside humanitarian aid such as flak jackets, gas masks and civilian-use vehicles sent to Ukraine since Russia's 2022 invasion. The new rules scrap those limits entirely, and industry officials said the immediate beneficiaries will be Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Kawasaki Heavy Industries, IHI Corporation and a constellation of smaller component suppliers that have spent decades building world-class weapons systems that could only be sold to a single customer: the Japanese Self-Defense Forces.

"This is Japan finally coming off the sidelines," said Jeffrey Hornung, a senior political scientist at the RAND Corporation who has written extensively on Japan's defense posture. "They build some of the best diesel submarines in the world, arguably the best minesweepers, and they've been a core partner on the next-generation fighter. What's changed isn't the capability. It's the willingness to sell that capability."

Seventeen Approved Customers, A Watchful National Security Council

The export door is not fully open to anyone. Under the revision, arms sales will initially be restricted to seventeen partner countries that have signed defense equipment and technology transfer agreements with Tokyo — a roster that includes the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, the Philippines, Vietnam, India, Germany, France and Italy. Each sale must be approved by Japan's National Security Council, and Tokyo will monitor how exported weapons are used and maintained after delivery.

Japanese officials emphasized the restrictions at Tuesday's announcement. Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi told reporters that the government "will not permit exports to countries engaged in offensive wars" and pointed to end-use monitoring clauses as a firewall against diversion to conflict zones. Critics at home and abroad were unpersuaded. Japan's main opposition parties called the revision a "reckless abandonment of the peace constitution," and groups representing hibakusha — the survivors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki — released a joint statement accusing Takaichi's government of "selling the soul of post-war Japan for corporate orders."

The GCAP Fighter And A European Partnership

The most immediate impact of the new rules is on GCAP, the trilateral program in which Japan, the United Kingdom and Italy are jointly developing a stealth fighter intended to replace the F-2 in Japanese service, the Typhoon in British service and the Tornado in Italian service. Before Tuesday's change, Japan would have been legally barred from exporting the finished aircraft to any third country — an arrangement that alarmed London and Rome, both of which view the fighter program as a future export-revenue engine. With the revision in place, Japanese-assembled airframes and subsystems can be sold alongside their British and Italian counterparts.

First flight of a GCAP demonstrator is slated for 2027, with initial operating capability projected for 2035. Saudi Arabia, long interested in the program, is now expected to resume formal purchase discussions, according to two people familiar with the talks who were not authorized to speak publicly.

Washington's Quiet Relief

The Biden and now Trump administrations have pushed Tokyo — publicly and privately — for years to loosen its export rules. Pentagon planners view a Japan that can sell advanced weapons to American allies in the Indo-Pacific as a force multiplier at a moment when U.S. defense manufacturers are struggling to meet demand from Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan simultaneously. "Every Japanese destroyer sold to an ASEAN partner is a destroyer the U.S. Navy doesn't have to build," one senior administration official told USA Herald. "The math is hard to argue with."

The State Department on Tuesday issued a brief statement welcoming the Cabinet decision as "a natural evolution of the U.S.-Japan alliance" and highlighting ongoing cooperation on AEGIS-equipped destroyers, long-range strike missiles and integrated air and missile defense.

Beijing's Predictable Anger

Reaction from China was swift and sharp. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian told a press briefing in Beijing on Tuesday that Japan was "walking the road of militarism in broad daylight" and warned that Tokyo's arms exports "will further destabilize the Asia-Pacific region." Chinese state media ran commentaries comparing the Takaichi government to the militarist administrations of the 1930s — rhetoric that Japanese officials dismissed as "predictable and propagandistic."

South Korea, which has long harbored its own concerns about Japanese rearmament while simultaneously pursuing a massive defense-export drive of its own, offered a more measured response, with the foreign ministry saying only that Seoul would "watch closely how the new rules are implemented."

What It Means For Americans

The practical consequences for the United States begin in the shipyards and the fighter-jet assembly lines. A commercially active Japanese defense industry eases the burden on Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, Boeing and General Dynamics at a moment when the U.S. industrial base is stretched thinner than it has been in a generation. It also gives American diplomats a new tool for strengthening allies in the Philippines, Vietnam and beyond, where Japanese-made frigates or missile systems could close capability gaps without waiting years for American production slots to open.

For the broader strategic picture, Tuesday's decision caps a decade-long transformation that began when the late Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reinterpreted Japan's pacifist constitution to permit collective self-defense. Successive governments have steadily chipped away at the remaining constraints — raising the defense budget, developing long-range strike capability, building amphibious units, and now, at last, opening the export door.

Japan has not yet sent a single missile abroad under the new rules. It almost certainly will, and soon. When it does, the country that once swore off all offensive military activity in the ashes of 1945 will have completed one of the most remarkable defense-policy reversals of the post-war era — not with a bang, but with a Cabinet signature on a Tuesday afternoon in Tokyo.